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FOREIGN EXILES IN ENGLAND.

England is a city of refuge for all discotolited politicians; Kings, Prims Ministers, Provisional Governors, Prefects of Police, Socialists, snd Mountaineers, all cosns to England when things go hard with them at home. Hers they rest, and here they intrigue; and here they write books and publish periodicals, and carry on their respective movements with the pen, when their swords are broken or taken from them, rusted or pawned.
At present we have exiles from all European nations,—French, German, Italian, Austrian, Hungarian, Portuguese, Spanish, and Polish; and here they have all their respective coteries.—legitimist, monarchical, salle, and democratical. Here, they cherish their respective hopes end cheer one another as beat they can ; and endeavour to convince their countrymen and na that God is on their side, and that truth, justice, and they must assuredly conquer at last.
Each thinks the other wrong! How strange it would be if they were all right!
The democratic exiles have formed a committee in London, which they call the Central European Democratical Committee of all Nations, at the head of which we find the names of Ledru Rollin for France, Joseph Itlazzini for Italy, Arnold Rage for Germany, and Albert Darasz for Poland. This committee snd its constituency have started a periodical in London, for the purpose of disseminating the principles of the gospel of republicanism and socialism. It is called the Proecrit, and appears once a month, with a series of articles having the names of their respective writers appended. The writers are all men of distinction and talent, men who have taken an active part in the democratical and insssrreetionary movements of their respective countries. The articles, therefore, may be said to contain the very cream of continental republican philosophy. Joseph ihlazzini is a host in himself; as a writer his talent is very great. He has the art of expressing his own ideas in a terse, vivid, and captivating style. his pen is eloquent, and his mind is well-trained
—lustoricaily, logically, poetically, and rhetorically—for giving the best possible effect to the philosophy whirls he represente. Ledru Rollin is evidently a man of talent, notwithstanding all his Gallican absurdities, his French patriotism, sud eelf-blindicg hatred of England. ‘The rest of the party, of whom.we know less, but whose articles in the Prsacrit all seem to be draugltts from the sante well of philosophy, and distinguished by the same peculiarity of logical idealism which charaeterises all the political philosophby of Ose Continent, are men who, if they do nut represent the great Demoeretiesl Party as thinkers, have at least advanced themselves to distinction as actors, and aimed at the honours, if not the emoluments, of Tribunes of the People.
Each of these national representatives, perhaps, regards his own country as containing the Gordian knot of the great social problem. Mazzini says, “In Italy, Oten, is the knot of the European qnestion; to Italy the solemn work of emancipation belongs. And Italy will accomplish the work which civilisation has committed to her. Then the nations will hasten to range themselves roused another principle. Theu the south of Europe will be placed hi equilibrium with the north. Italy resuscitated will enter the European family. Oh, how solemn her awakening will be ! She will then have awakened three times since Rome, in falling, aircated the march of ancient, and became the cradle of modern, civilisation. The first time, there arose from Italy a voice which substituted spiritual European liberty for the triumph of material force. The second time, she spread throughout the world the civilisation of arts and letters. The third time, she will blot out., with her powerful finger, the creed of the Middle Ages, and substitute social unity for the old spiritual unity. It is from Rome, then, that must come, for the third time, the word of modern unity; for it is from Rome alone that the absolute destruction of the old unity can proceed.”
Ledrn Rolhin, as is natural for a Frenchman, looks merely to France, which, he says, is a full century in advance of every other nation in eiviieation. Consequently, a hundred years hence, our Ledru Rollins will be exiles in Paris, publishing a Proserit for the English, to stir up the baffled insurgents of the British Isles. Is that what he means ? or does he mean that France, when resuscitated under the Rohhin regime, will take England under her protection, and make her one of her maids of honour in the republican palace of the world, end cause her to leap one hundred years in advance in the course of one revolution of ‘the sun ? We know not. But we think it strange that the land which is so far in advance of other nations ahonld ostraeise the very beat of her sons, and give the sceptre of her power into the hands of men who restore and support the medinval supremacy of Rome, withhold from the people and the prees the Anglo-Saxon privilege of free discussion, imprison and fine the publisher of the Proseril for ite very first number, and travel back blindfold to the old-fashioned principle of brute force and military ascendancy.
There must be some mistake here. It is very natural for a Frenchman to look upon France as the mother of civilisation, and to regard her ascendancy and her preeeptorslsip as complete. But patriotism, like hatred, is s blinding principle; and as Ledro Roiin, himself, has well remarked, in one of his articles in the Proarril, it has a tendency to narrow the sphere of a mini’s thoughts and aspirations in behalf of humanity. For this very reason he congratulates himself and his democratical brethren on the fact, that that very proseriptiors which was intended to crush and destroy them, will, ultimately, tend to strengthen their cause, by enlarging their sympathies ice exile, ettd
converting the patriotic movements of isolated nations into one great Univ
sal movement of nations combined. st
Each nation, in this case, therefore, most have its peculiar mission. Sue
France cannot teach everything or do everything. She is merely part J whole. Frenchmen are too apt to regard her as the whole itself. Fe55 Frenchman that so regards her is in a delusion, and every revolution that
makes under the influence of this delusion will prove a failure.
Has Englend no mission as well as France? Is she alone an outea fes the plan of Providence ? What makes all these men come over to EnglsaTh to conduct their schesnes of universal restoration? Why should the dema eratieal committee of all nations find greater security on English soil ths on any other soil? Is there no meaning in this? Both Rollin and Msszimg are in the habit of looking abstractly at facts as the representatives of hiv5 principles of providentisl agency. What is the meaning of this fact? Is i not that in England, snd in England alone, can tee found that univers1 which is indispensable to settle the great controversies of the world?
Mazzini says the knot is in Rome, because the Pope is there. Beet that h only part of the knot. The downfall of the Pope would not setils the question. The Pope was put down in England long ego, snd yet it seems that England is a hundred years behind France But the Pope, being a religis5 idea, ease only be put down by another religions idea, snd where is.ths ccli. gione idea that Mezzini would substitute? Mszzini respects the religisg5 feeling, end never fails to reveal it in his writings. Lie says, “Whheat religion political science can produce nothing bot despotism or anarchy.” Bnt where is his substitute for Popery? “ God in the people !“ That’s cli and what is that? God in a Isundred heads, and that is a hundred gsdi Popery is God in one, at least it fain would be so.
It is an old question, as old as the world—this one and neaop. It is the great cosstroversy of homan society onr religion and our polities all corns sat of it. The Jews represent the ova in religion, the Gentiles represent the nAvy. Jews worshipped one God, Gentiles metoy gods. Even the Chcistits ‘Trinity is a Gentile idea, and the Roman sesnts and images sre all Gentile ideas, and Mazzini himself is a representative of Gentilism. lilt swears he the many. Rome always belonged to the motey. Rome is the converse di Jerusalem. Jerusalem expected to conquer the world by means of her eat Messiah. Rome expected to conquer the world by means of her MANY tea- sole, generals, seed citizens—the popeelns .lionertasts. The one is menarehrl, the other is repnblioan. Rome has borrowed the idea of a one flea Jcrnsslem, but she cannot complete it. TIer Pope is a borrowed idea; bathe is a series in succession, and his system of Gentile polytheism in ineeapatible with the Jewish nnity. LIe himself is a toot iss the hspds of the many. I-Is is not the ova. It is a failure. ihlazzini achnou’ledgeits fallen, hut he wonld soaks it succeed by getting rid of the foiee one, and weekieg with the neanp alone, lie cannot. The many cannot work alone. Geotilien is an inconclusive system. Thee one cannot work alone. Jewism is an litres- elusive system. These two ideas, the ova and the MANY, ore inseparable. They are the great male and female principles of all government.
Mszziui understands this reasoning, we doubt not lie is a thinker and can work with abstractions. Let him trace these tu-o ideas from their beginning ins the history of Western civilisation, and he will see at once de inevitable combination that will solve the European question.
Without on absolute ova, who is the true representative of sil, the Moot are insmoveel’e, except to destruction, or, what is equivalent to dsstructies, the continuance of the present system of social confusion. This err principle may ha said to contain the soul of Jewism, and to this one porittit has faithfully adhered from its origin in one man. it is the oldest philosophy extant; and what moral philosophy, or French logic, will ce-cc threw doubt upon its perfect conclusiveness? The Jew, however, has preftard the idea, by making it patriotic, or national. It can only beeonse eseted I! its unlimited umsivorsahity or impartiality.
The ova is a religions idea, for religion means unity. The 3tAOY t5 set. The one refers to divine agency, and tends to order; the many Is ham agency, and tends to disorder. llonee the tendency of all repubhiesus to discard the religions idea; and the deeper they involve themselves 10 democratical systems the lees religious they become. The osea is always
less religious. The ONE monarch attaches himself to the prtesthosd f a country. Like Henry the Great of France, perhaps lee changes lies relePdn to that of the majority. The ova President does precisely the seine; he
it indispensable for the security of his position. Peshsps he fails. It
not. Every msn on a throne is impelled by the necessity of eniploY’5o religious element, in some mode or other, to secure his position: It 0tt5
itself ehevays to the one in office. Even a father finds it useful en th? sJce neent of Ida children; and a mother never fails to increase her oWO
by its mysterious omens. On the contrary, the stovi as invariably doe
the religions idea. If they did not, tbey would find a ova at thee bead ? the invested with a saesed authority ; and that is tho very rsthority vhtrbc, niarey dislike. But it is only because they etennot finds ease to reprchCtitt. Not being able to find this one, tleey wisis to clothe thenroelvea witl e; they sod sessetity. The wish to make themselves alone the “Far Br’. G55CtIti set up a one as the head of a republic, he most be a tool devotd of e eee et or divine right; for their system is, a circumference govesnmng the Ct
a centre the circumference. d
here, thou, is ties great probheu. The osee and the r000y. The lr would solve it by getting rid of thee one; ties :.uoosrcheista, by su th etbtC’ sileocheg the ninety. They are both wrong, irs so far as they deny hi
principle. TIse two principles are eternal aneh indeatrttet1’ eihiat05 destroy all who oppose them, osotil they be reconciled. Theer rtco1 ,.t-hii Of is the nsarrisgs minion of Jewisso amid Geutilism, sod forms tlse 5r
isis ssseasse judgo cot, and that judgment means dectejon. tins w°d’ f the Great Settlement, then, is the Day of Decision, when the The day 0 of the world begins, and its ruins are gradually restored, and its sterst 00
waste places begin to peopled, or re-peopled, with inhabitants.
it is tbe most important of all questions, bnt qnite insoluble by such mea09 as the school of continental republicans are adopting. Instead of comm to England to teach, they must learn. We are far in advance of them. Our atmosphere of ecclesiastical and political life is more universal in England than in any other country. We have all the elements of hnman society here in preparation for the great Day of Decision, and no other 0autry has all these elements but England. Guizot, the French historian, in his work on civilisation, has enumerated these elements of society. 4ecerd°g to him, they are, the Church, the Monarchy, the Aristocracy, and the pe1nowacy Nowhere can these be found except in this country. The Church may be in Rome, but where is the monarchy and democracy? where are the sects that constitute the religious democracy? These are indispensable to tIcs cotnpletenass of the representation. Where are they in France? where ie even the Church in France ? I-Icr Church is in Rome. Where is the monarchy in France ? where is the aristocracy ? Here in England are all the knots preserved and ready for solution. They have cut, mcd hacked, and burned, and torn them in other countries, but they are mist soleed, and they catutot be aolced where they are net found in preservation. here, then, in England, and not in France, not in Rome, not in Germany, monet the great Gordian knot of human civilisation be untied, and the probletu solved for tbe era that is coming. This fact is as evident as sunshine llself; and if Mazzini cannot sea it, after looking at it, his eyes are much worse than we are dispoaed to give them credit for being.
Btmt the solution of this knot is an intellectual solution. It is a revol’ation at ideas, not of gnus, and pikes, and fisgetones. Dogs and donkeys will boor notiting about it. Barricade revolutions are brute revolutions— the reeslotions of the irreligious and nndisciplined sunny, without the religious and regulating one. They make dogs bark and monkeys run. They will all fad. Every steel and lead revolution will fail. It is the work of a brute power. It cannot enlighten tile nnud, or regulate the morals or manners. it cannot proclaim a lacy for the conscience, nor enforce its obedience when it is proclaimed. It wants authority, and that authority comes from the one. The Fcenele are beginning onDe more to think of this, and to set up a one; but they cannot find a solvent of the question, for France is not the country. Civilisation, as we have often shown, travels north-westward, with a nevr and distinct mission for each nation, as she advances. England is the terminus and the turning point; and here, in preparation for the great solution, are all tlts eletneute collected for the final controversy. Here ales the exiles flock, like pilot balloons, from all nations; for to England Destiny points with her finger.