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dc.contributor.authorToye, Richarden_GB
dc.contributor.departmentUniversity of Exeter. At the time of publication the author was at Homerton College, Cambridge.en_GB
dc.date.accessioned2009-02-17T16:39:37Zen_GB
dc.date.accessioned2011-01-25T10:52:49Zen_GB
dc.date.accessioned2013-03-20T14:14:06Z
dc.date.issued2005-03en_GB
dc.description.abstractThe myth of Mr Butskell: the politics of British economic policy, 1950–1955. By Scott Kelly. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002. Pp. viii+248. ISBN 0-7546-0604-X. £42.50. The Labour party and taxation: party identity and political purpose in twentieth-century Britain. By Richard Whiting. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Pp. xii+294. ISBN 0-521-57160-X. £45.00. British social policy since 1945. Second edition. By Howard Glennerster. Oxford: Blackwell, 1995, 2000. Pp. xii+260. ISBN 0-631-22022-4. £15.99. Governance, industry and labour markets in Britain and France: the modernising state in the mid-twentieth century. Edited by Noel Whiteside and Robert Salais. London and New York: Routledge, 1998. Pp. xi+295. ISBN 0-415-15733-1. £45.00. The final result of political action often, no, even regularly, stands in completely inadequate and often even paradoxical relation to its original meaning. Max Weber, Politics as a Vocation (1918–19) Hugh Gaitskell (Labour chancellor of the exchequer, 1950–1) remarked in 1957 that ‘professional politicians, when they have been in the job for any length of time, are not well fitted for really deep thinking, partly because they have no time for it and partly because the very practice of their art involves them in continual simplification’. This candid observation has important implications for the study of how past politicians formulated policy. The books under review all deal with differing aspects of British (and also, in one case, French) economic and social policy in the twentieth century. They all show, to varying degrees, that parties, governments, and other political actors have proffered apparently simplistic and muddled solutions to important problems. But was this because of intellectual deficiency on their part, or was it an inevitable consequence of the exercise of what Rab Butler, Gaitskell's Conservative successor, famously called ‘the art of the possible’?en_GB
dc.identifier.citation48(1), pp.305-311en_GB
dc.identifier.doi10.1017/S0018246X04004327en_GB
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10036/49353en_GB
dc.language.isoenen_GB
dc.publisherCambridge University Pressen_GB
dc.relation.urlhttp://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=286986&fulltextType=RV&fileId=S0018246X04004327en_GB
dc.relation.urlhttp://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayIssue?jid=HIS&volumeId=48&issueId=01&iid=286961en_GB
dc.subject20th centuryen_GB
dc.subjectEconomic policyen_GB
dc.subjectSocial policyen_GB
dc.subjectLabour Partyen_GB
dc.subjecttaxationen_GB
dc.subjectBritainen_GB
dc.subjectFranceen_GB
dc.titleThe study of politics as a vocationen_GB
dc.typeArticleen_GB
dc.date.available2009-02-17T16:39:37Zen_GB
dc.date.available2011-01-25T10:52:49Zen_GB
dc.date.available2013-03-20T14:14:06Z
dc.identifier.issn0018-246Xen_GB
dc.description© 2005 Cambridge University Press. Review article.en_GB
dc.identifier.eissn1469-5103en_GB
dc.identifier.journalThe Historical Journalen_GB


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